The government crisis chaired by prof. Giuseppe Conte was the subject in our newspaper of a rigorous analysis by Mario Pacelli, of an accurate article by Daniele Fichera and of a speech by Gianluca Veronesi. To which we have added the link with the observatory on public communication, public branding and digital transformation of the IULM University of Milan, department Business, Law, Economics and Consumer Affairs, directed by Stefano Rolando to read the review of thirty comments from the Italian press for an analysis of the "public debate" on changes in public policies.
It is therefore not necessary to go back to the subject, while it may be useful to draw attention to the conclusions reached.
The President of the Republic Sergio Mattarella led the government crisis in order to verify the ability of the political personnel who lead the various formations to develop programs and make compromises in order to build agreements and form a government majority. The result was negative: no party or movement was able to fulfill this task. It fell to the Head of State to find the solution: the assignment to prof. Mario Draghi to form a government without a political identity. The parties that had supported President Conte but who had not managed to reconstruct a majority on his name immediately joined Mattarella's initiative and so did Italia Viva and Berlusconi. Salvini's move to declare the Lega's support for the Draghi attempt has cleared up the field: it has legitimized the League in the field of majority forces, allowing it to occupy the place from which to manage the Recovery plan, and which will be useful when the much-announced arrives recovery. As for the irreversibility of the euro and Europeanism, the leader of the League has accustomed us to his changes of season so he is not even newsworthy. What matters is to be in the right place when it comes to the name of Sergio Mattarella's successor.
As for the other Matteo is rightly satisfied, he will not have the consent of the voters but it is difficult not to recognize that with the opening of the crisis of the Conte government he has done a great service to the country by paving the way for the arrival of prof. Dragons.
Now public opinion expects competence, sharing and problem solving. It is no longer the time for specious controversies to obtain alleged electoral advantages, nor for interminable talkshows between virologists, journalists and acrobats. The drama of the situation in which we are immersed and the government crisis have highlighted the failure of much of the television information: a narrative of politics like "Novella 2000" has made journalists incredulous in front of Draghi's silence, accustomed as they are building monsters like Renzi or mocking Salvini's rosary to end up with historical reconstructions in which Draghi resembles Monti, perhaps Ciampi and even Dini, a sort of festival of jokes that make no one laugh.
Silence finally fell. Mario Draghi's spokesperson, Paola Ansuini, declares: we only speak if we have something to say and, we like to add, in institutional offices and not in TV lounges, whether public or private. And so it was, the Prime Minister spoke to the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies:
- The main duty to which we are all called, myself as prime minister, is from fight the pandemic by all means and to safeguard the lives of our fellow citizens.
- This government was born in the wake of belonging of our country, as a founding member, toEuropean Union, and as a protagonist of the Atlantic Alliance, in the wake of the great Western democracies, in defense of their inalienable principles and values.
- The spread of Covid it has caused deep wounds in our communities, not only on the health and economic level, but also on the cultural and educational one.
- The priorities to restart: never before has a new vaccine been produced in less than a year. Our first challenge is to get enough of it to distribute it quickly and efficiently.
- It is necessary to invest in a cultural transition starting from the internationally recognized humanistic identity heritage. We are called upon to design an educational path that combines the necessary adherence to the required quality standards, also in the European panorama, with the addition of new subjects and methodologies, and to combine scientific skills with those of the humanities and multilingualism areas. Finally, it is necessary to invest in the training of teaching staff to align the educational offer to the demand of the new generations.
- Protect the future of the environment, reconciling it with progress and social well-being, requires a new approach: digitization, agriculture, health, energy, aerospace, cloud computing, schools and education, territorial protection, biodiversity, global warming and the greenhouse effect, are different sides of a challenge multifaceted that sees at the center the ecosystem in which all human actions will develop.
- The mobilization of all the energies of the country in its relaunch it cannot ignore the involvement of women. The gender gap in employment rates in Italy remains among the highest in Europe: Italy today has one of the worst gender wage gaps in Europe, as well as a chronic shortage of women in senior management positions.
- The South. Developing the ability to attract national and international private investments is essential to generate income, create jobs, invest the demographic decline and depopulation of inland areas
- Public investments. In terms of infrastructure, it is necessary to invest in the technical, legal and economic preparation of public officials to allow administrations to be able to plan, design and accelerate investments with certainty of times, costs and in full compatibility with the sustainability and growth guidelines indicated in the Program national recovery and resilience.
- Next Generation EU. As has been said several times, we will have around 210 billion available over a six-year period. These resources will have to be spent aiming to improve the growth potential of our economy. The Missions of the Program may be remodeled and re-merged, but those set out in the previous documents of the outgoing government will remain, namely innovation, digitization, competitiveness and culture; the ecological transition; infrastructure for sustainable mobility; training and research; social, gender, generational and territorial equity; health and the related production chain.
- Strategic objectives: The Program has so far been built on the basis of high-level objectives and aggregating project proposals into missions, components and project lines. In the coming weeks we will strengthen the strategic dimension of the Program, in particular with regard to the objectives concerning the production of energy from renewable sources, air and water pollution, the fast rail network, the energy distribution networks for vehicles. with electric propulsion, the production and distribution of hydrogen, digitalization, broadband and 5G communication networks.
Based on this strategic vision, the National Recovery and Resilience Program will set goals for the next decade and longer term, with an intermediate stage for the final year of the Next Generation EU, 2026. We will select projects and initiatives consistent with the strategic objectives of the Program, paying great attention to their feasibility over the six years of the program. The governance of the Recovery and Resilience Program is based on the Ministry of Economy and Finance with the very close collaboration of the competent Ministries that define the sector's policies and projects. Parliament will be constantly informed both on the overall system and on sector policies.
- The reforms. The Next generation EU foresees reforms. A tax reform marks a decisive step in every country. It indicates priorities, it gives certainties, it offers opportunities, it is the cornerstone of budgetary policy
In this perspective, a profound revision of the personal income tax must be studied with the dual objective of simplifying and rationalizing the structure of the levy, gradually reducing the tax burden and preserving progressivity. A renewed and strengthened commitment in the fight against tax evasion will also be functional to the pursuit of these ambitious objectives.
The other reform that cannot be postponed is that of public administration. In the emergency, administrative action, at central level and in local and peripheral structures, has shown resilience and adaptability thanks to a widespread commitment to remote work and an intelligent use of the technologies at its disposal. The fragility of the system of public administrations and services of collective interest is, however, a reality that must be quickly addressed.
In the field of justice the actions to be carried out are mainly those that fall within the context and expectations of the European Union. In the Country Specific Recommendations addressed to our country in 2019 and 2020, the Commission, while acknowledging the progress made in recent years, urges us: to increase the efficiency of the civil judicial system, by implementing and promoting the application of the reform decrees insolvency matters, ensuring a more efficient functioning of the courts, favoring the clearing of the backlog and better management of workloads, adopting simpler procedural rules, filling vacancies for administrative staff, reducing the differences that exist in the management of cases from court to court and finally by promoting the repression of corruption.
In international relations this government will be convinced Europeanist and Atlanticist, in line with Italy's historical anchors: European Union, Atlantic Alliance, United Nations. Our vocation in favor of effective multilateralism is profound, based on the irreplaceable role of the United Nations. Our attention and projection towards areas of natural priority interest, such as the Balkans, the enlarged Mediterranean, with particular attention to Libya and the eastern Mediterranean, and to Africa remains strong.
Another challenge will be the negotiation of the new Pact for migration and asylum, in which we will pursue a decisive strengthening of the balance between the responsibility of the countries of first entry and effective solidarity. The construction of a European policy for the repatriation of those not entitled to international protection will also be crucial, alongside full respect for the rights of refugees.
From last December and until the end of 2021, Italy has held the Presidency of the G20 for the first time. The program, which will involve the entire government team, revolves around three pillars: People, Planet, Prosperity. Italy will have the responsibility of leading the Group towards the exit from the pandemic, and of relaunching green and sustainable growth for the benefit of all. It will be about rebuilding and better rebuilding.
Today, unity is not an option, unity is a duty. But it is a duty guided by what I am sure unites us all: love for Italy.
So far the program that President Draghi has illustrated to Parliament and which, with a double vote of confidence, Parliament has approved. The question that comes from many sectors of our community is: will the government be able to actually carry out these reforms that have been talked about for decades? Good intentions are not enough headlines Norma Rangeri on the Manifesto. To carry out the reforms, efficient tools are needed: a public administration capable of carrying out its tasks and not a public administration (commissioners, authorities, etc.) which only creates confusion. The experience of anticovid vaccinations is the litmus test of the inefficiency of a state and regional bureaucracy without political guidance and which tends to realize corporate and not citizen interests. And if to this end the public administration is to be renewed, the political parties must assume the consequent responsibilities since Article 49 of the Constitution entrusts them with the task of being the link between State and citizens and not between State and bureaucracy or between State and magistrates.
And here the donkey falls, says an old popular saying. The question is where are the parties? What they do, what they develop, what projects they cultivate, what strategy they have. The Draghi earthquake shook the Democratic Party: certainly being in government with the sovereigns was not in Zingaretti's best intentions, not to mention the grillini who wanted a Draghi government anchored to the "perimeter of the old majority and the good things done by the outgoing government ”As per the declaration of citizen Vito Crimi.
The Democratic Party has annihilated itself in the support of Giuseppe Conte, in the name of the alliance with the grillini and the hypothesis of a President's List that should have been born to give life to the progressive coalition, the Alliance for Sustainable Development, which the same Conte declaimed from the Largo Chigi table. Unfortunately, with Conte out of the building, the list dissolved like snow in the sun along with the entire strategy of Bettini's Democratic Party and the fate of Conte, the Prodi federator to lead the new center-left, is now archived. And so while Draghi presents his government to the Chamber in Via del Nazareno, the lists for the Congress are being prepared: if the Zingaretti secretariat falls, the Democratic Party could be entrusted to Stefano Bonaccini or Giorgio Gori, say the well-informed.
In the Cinquestelle camp, pending the next edict of Beppe Grillo, dissidents are expelled and the number of senators and deputies is counted, who are divided between Guevara de'noartri, aka Alessandro Di Battista, and the current governist of Luigi Di But I. The "I am and I will be" of the defenestrated Count is a distant echo.
On the right, politics looks like a chain of Sant'Antonio: Giorgia Meloni does what she has always done, a populist and irrelevant opposition trying to profit from Salvini's "responsible" position, which in turn aims to conquer a central position and take the free exit votes of Forza Italia which in turn tries not to miss the Draghi opportunity to free itself from Salvinian's grip. A separate note deserves the duo Borghi and Bagnai forced to perform an equestrian circus performance: somersaults, acrobatics, disguises to reposition themselves no longer knowing whether to wear the leader's sweatshirt or Giorgetti's double-breasted jacket, and then Salvini intervenes, mindful of his passions youth, solves the dilemma by launching the "League of struggle and government" in the footsteps of Berlinguer who while making the historic compromise with the DC threatened the occupation of the Fiat factories.
If this is the situation in which parties and movements of the XNUMXst century find themselves, there is no need to be happy, we know that the vitality of democracy is based on parties and therefore we cannot leave the field. The regeneration of the political system passes through a good electoral law and the resumption of the confrontation of ideas and ideologies. In this context, men of good will who do not share the right / left choice can set themselves the task of building a new liberal democratic and reformist political formation, expression of that area that today goes from Renzi to Calenda, from Bonino to the greens, from the socialists in Bentivogli. Among the many positive effects of a crisis that freed us from Conte and brought us Draghi is the end of populism and one is worth one, and perhaps there could also be the extraordinary outcome of a cultured elite capable of to entrust our future to.