"Make memory" had recommended President Mattarella in his end-of-year speech and renewed this invitation on the eve of April 25, recalling the reconstruction of our country and the regeneration capacity of society after the Second World War. Unfortunately, a large part of the ruling class "turns a deaf ear" while populists and movementists "of struggle and government" put themselves at the head of the restaurateurs against the curfew time to grab the last vote in the next electoral competitions in Rome or Milan.
It is certainly not the best way to face a difficult and complex passage like the one we are experiencing that requires everyone's commitment because we must be aware that the future can be better if we know how to build it by treasuring the mistakes we have made by recovering before each. another thing is the sense of sociability. We have at other times stated in this newspaper that the challenge of the pandemic is health but also philosophical because the way of thinking guides and precedes the choices for which culture is the suitable drug for treatment. But it is precisely what we lack, it is the root cause of our crisis, however it is the necessary and indispensable tool to face the unknowns of the new season that awaits us. And for this reason we have invited readers not to be satisfied with simple information, we have urged them to comment on what is happening, we have tried to convince them that news is not enough, ideas are needed. Perhaps, while waiting to resume the journey, it may be useful to take a pause for reflection and choose among the many thoughts that crowd the mind those that feed our dreams.
Remembering is not a return to the past: "the duty of remembrance concerns everyone, no one excluded - said President Draghi speaking at the Museum in via Tasso - We are witnessing today, often dismayed, the evident signs of a progressive loss of the collective memory of the facts of the Resistance, on the values of which the Republic and our Constitution are founded ". Each of us is the result of the experiences he has lived, of the changes and coherence-inconsistency with which he has gone through his years, of the values that inspired his life and his work, with which he raised his children. Each of us is a witness of his time but it is necessary to be aware of it. Life does not flow alongside us, we are in it moment by moment.
Today the word happiness is back in fashion: we try to define it and find the way to achieve it. But it is difficult to understand its profound meaning and apply it to human life. Today more than ever immersed as we are in this pandemic that has changed the sense of the future that presents itself without certainties and seems to have rejected every memory. We are looking for new rules, new certainties to re-build our future. But what are the new postpandemic rules of life? The words of Christ are still relevant: love your neighbor as yourself? Covid 19 has taught us that life is a small and simple heroism. They are gestures of contingent survival but we still have the duty to trace a path for a different and new tomorrow. Trust in oneself and in others, open our horizons, elaborate thoughts by fishing in our memory to find defined points from which to start again with the ways and times of the new experiences we are having with ourselves and with the world that moves around us. we.
It often happens that you immerse yourself in the great sea of memories. Sometimes we like it, often it's a need, sometimes a necessity. We feel the need to anchor ourselves to something we know, to a memory that makes us smile again, in front of a daily reality that raises questions for which we have no answer. But the risk is to be trapped in a memory that often reconstructs the past at will to compare it with a present that we do not like.
It is a risk but it can be useful for reliving - without nostalgia - memories and emotions that can help us decipher the present. Perhaps what often strikes us is the removal of experiences we didn't like. But there is a way to combat this pathology: rigorous criticism and self-criticism. It also serves to look at the present with greater humility and not to cast shadows on the future. But also to understand how the profound ethical and political crisis of recent years has been badly intertwined with the extraordinary nature of the pandemic that has changed priorities and deprived us of certainties.
We do not have a crystal ball, nor do we frequent wizards and barkers and we have not read the latest polls: so we know nothing about the future, nor do we make useless gossip about which recovery plan will come out of the computers of Palazzo Ghigi.
I remember a young man from Pomigliano in charge of managing a winning political movement by a marketing agency in Milan who sent an email to the President of the Republic to give him a list of people that he, the president Sergio Mattarella, would have to name shortly thereafter. Ministers of the Republic (including the then unknown lawyer from Foggia, Giuseppe Conte).
I remember Matteo Renzi who threatened "I'm not leaving" and Berlusconi who continued to sign contracts with the Italians and the Hon Di Maio who presented a new list of "citizens" aspiring ministers in place of those on the previous list who had already resigned. And then Salvini and Meloni competing for the last vote while the ghosts of the Communist diaspora found a place at Mrs. Gruber's table.
Then I was reminded of distant years in which De Mita and Occhetto, on the rubble of tangentopoli, regenerated a "historic compromise" to introduce a mixed system in the electoral reform that confirmed the unstoppable propensity of the parties to be ungovernable.
That ungovernability that in the last part of the century has favored the crisis of the development model on which the "Italian miracle" was built: an economic growth determined by the direct intervention of the State in the industrialization process and by the alliance between the solidarity of inspiration catholic and socialist reformism. A crisis that has set in motion a process of dissolution: the large state enterprises have been sold off, the balance of power has jumped, the political class has been liquidated but above all the theories of anti-politics, of suspicion and distrust. The end of the first Republic left room for government experiments that collapsed like punctured balloons precisely because they were based on abstract hypotheses, formulated regardless of the reality of the country: it applies to Berlusconi's identity liberalism as well as to Prodi's immobile democracy or the government self-referential of Renzi. Not to mention the yellow-green or yellow-red governments that were formed after the March 8 vote three years ago and dissolved like snow in the sun.
We must reintroduce into the body of society a sense of belonging to something greater than us, every citizen must feel that he is needed to build the common good, we must know that our work is needed to get to something better, because to advance our society it is not enough to create jobs but also a project in which the increase in employment is a piece of the pursuit of greater objectives of development. Political project means giving, together with a job, also a purpose to the workers, involving them to cultivate their sense of pride for the things that can be done. Anti-politics can only be defeated with politics.
We have to reweave the canvas that has been torn: it has been written that the evil of the last century was ideologies and, as often happens, a bundle of all the grass has been made; it has been said that the world has changed and that left and right no longer exist, but the failure of a second republic that never came into existence shows that having completely made a single bundle was not a good idea, despite the screams and the clamor of the comedian about the "new" advancing (and we are seeing how it is going to end ...)
Cultural roots and memory not only serve to build the future but are necessary tools to govern the present: “It is in the reconstruction of the present, of a present in which memory serves to tell us what we do not want to repeat, that reconciliation takes place. It is reconstruction based on brotherhood, solidarity, love, justice that leads to reconciliation "President Draghi said. A people is such only when it finds in itself the strength to overcome unfavorable situations not by chasing the last barker but by recovering its own cultural and civil heritage to give life to a new political season by fishing out the new ideas that were the basis of the first 50 years of republican life purified from what new ideas were not.
Claudio Velardi writes that “The PCI's policy towards socialist reformism was marked by one presumption of moral superiority that the PCI carried within, animated by an original, blind ideological fury. And, perhaps, a residual bond with the USSR that was hard to break, even if it was quite loose in the 80s. But I believe, more prosaically, that the determining factor in all the controversies between Berlinguer's PCI and Craxi's PSI, from the beginning of its secretariat, was the fact that the PCI understood that the new Craxian course could have taken away space, would have was able to counter openly the cultural and organizational hegemony that the PCI had built in previous decades, and which operated at all levels of society: in mass organizations, in the media, in academia, among intellectuals. This was the Great Fear that pushed the PCI, from the end of national solidarity, to entrench itself rather than to open up, and to conceive the relationship with the PSI in terms of resistance to modernity, explained by the use of an ancient category - betrayal. - which has always had a lot of space on the left ”. We can only comment that perhaps the Communist Party had no other way after its attempt to replace the Socialists in the meeting with the Catholic Party had failed knowing that in Italian society one could not ignore what Benedetto Croce affirmed in 1942 with his famous essay "Why we cannot but call ourselves Christians" (“With the appeal to history we cannot fail to recognize ourselves and not call ourselves Christians”). Catholics, liberals, socialists, no one could forget that "Christianity was the greatest revolution that humanity has had". It was the ideological and political fulcrum of which Proudhon had spoken which was the basis of the Socialist Gospel that inspired Craxian reformism, as Mario Pacelli observed.
“They called it 'the First Republic'. A season in which the parties were the state, for better or for worse. Furrowed by profound differences, a legacy of ancient ideologies. Yet unified by a common idea of political militancy, albeit experienced by each in the niche of their own portion of the field " wrote Marco Follini. “I mean, he added, that that half century of which so many witnesses still remain should begin to be interpreted not for what divided, even bitterly, one from the other. But for what they had in common, in spite of an infinity of differences. It is the overall meaning of that season that should be grasped ”.
The system held because each respected the reasons of the other but it must be emphasized that this happened because there was a commonality of values. I do not believe that today the conditions exist for that situation to reproduce: today's society is very fragmented, with inhomogeneous hegemonic values, without solid poles of attraction, as were the political parties of the last century.
The crux of the problem is the acceptance by Western capitalism to bear the costs of a renewal social status having in exchange the structural premises for greater profits (it seems to me that the project to use the recovery plan goes precisely in this sense). Once again "remember " it is necessary not only to avoid the mistakes that have been made, but to design a new development model for our society. "The social and economic crisis that many suffer in their own flesh and that is mortgaging the present and the future does not tolerate that we privilege sectoral interests to the detriment of the common good - Pope Francis said - we need a culture of encounter which is the opposite of a throwaway culture. This exercise of meeting beyond all legitimate differences is the fundamental step for any transformation that helps to give life to a new cultural and therefore economic, political and social mentality ”.
This is the cure that could also regenerate our political system.