I must repeat myself in the premise that mentions Pier Paolo Pasolini. In a press article later included (together with other short essays) in the "Corsair writings" the writer claimed that if you have the ability to follow everything that happens, to know everything you write about it, to imagine everything that is not we know or are silent about coordinating even distant facts, of putting together the disorganized and fragmented pieces of a whole coherent political framework that restores the logic where arbitrariness, madness and mystery seem to reign; in other words, if you have the patience to find and grasp the connection that necessarily exists between different events, you can guess the truth. And he concluded: I know, because it is part of my profession and my instinct (as an intellectual and as a writer) but I have no proof. I don't even have any clues. Pasolini's masterful lesson is not followed at all by today's journalists, especially Italians.
Most of the articles by the self-styled political scientists, observers and political notists require a lot of effort for reading because it is basically boring, totally uncritical and, very often, banal: it tells the facts without even trying to understand the reasons and the connections.
On today's Italian situation, the Friulian writer, with good likelihood, would have said: In Italy it is so. I don't know elsewhere, but in Italy I know it is like this: on the boot, the real politics, the one that determines the changes in the alignments, the subversions of the alliances, the composition and the fall of the governments, the fortunes and the misfortunes (definitive or only temporary) political leaders (real, like Bettino Craxi, or only apparent, like Giuseppe Conte), makes it a party without name, without acronyms, without acronyms, without symbols or flags, transversal, underground with occult presences in lodges and curial ambulatories, made up of secret advisors, unctuous and obsequious as lackeys (from the French: laquais) in livery, individuals with a low and servile spirit, who sometimes do other jobs (often gaining good money) but whose constant, repetitive, verifiable willingness to be constantly (or to put himself in need) under the orders of the powerful of duty, variously placed in political-economic consultancy centers of worldwide reach (Trilateral Commission, Crane ppo Bilderderg of which he is a kind of "kind godmother" Lilli Gruber) financial (Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan) or in public institutions, internal or international (Aspen Institute).
It is true that he would have added that he had no evidence, but perhaps some clues could have indicated it.
As regards, for example, the very uncertain and precarious future of the Conte government in the "reconstruction" phase, his attention would not have escaped:
a) some meetings of well-known "foxes" of politics, unfinished (yet?), to put it with Andreotti, in "fur coats" even in unexpected locations;
b) news leaked about the presence of prominent names in a future public health government;
c) the departure from the right center of Forza Italia which has authoritative presences in places close to the financial and banking world;
d) Matteo Renzi's desperate attempt to be re-engaged in the team of the faithful of Wall Street, of the City and of Brussels after the "very short" ball of his unfortunate experience of governess and "constitutionalist" (without profession), with the Judas' "Last Supper" speech, delivered yesterday at the Senate of the Republic.
Here it is. What even Pasolini would have struggled to understand is if Conte has realized (even if not perfectly) that he has reached the end of the line or if you still hope for an app. to remain in the government studied and prepared by Vodafone; whose sale on the market would, however, be even more difficult than that to save us from the infected, with the pandemic over.
What the writer would certainly have guessed is the inadequacy of the self-styled Italian economic "Right", in its version far from the US and British versions, to understand that with the Saints, the Christs, the Rosaries and the Madonnas or with the exhumation the underground maneuvers of the "Judeo-Christian" banks and the "nameless parties", assisted by the hidden lackeys on duty, do not fight against patriotic and nationalistic myths of a past that has been forgotten and forgotten forever.