Henry Kissinger said that "when the Covid19 pandemic is over, the institutions of many countries will be perceived as having failed".
It is easy to predict what will happen next to put them back on track: there will probably be a sort of "restorative cure" based on new rules and their heights will change due to the months of disease management and their wrong interventions.
This prediction cannot concern, however, Italy which did not need the Coronavirus to perceive the glaring and total failure of its institutions. Rather. It was precisely its institutions already miserably collapsed since the so-called "black decade" of the Italians that made the harmful effects of the pandemic more tragic than elsewhere.
1) It was already in crisis and the system of relations between the State and the Regions has finally been crushed. It was the collapse of Federalism and the prophecies of Carlo Cattaneo and Gianfranco Miglio. Representatives of the national government and governors, regional councilors caught themselves like roosters in a chicken coop and cheering around them were journalists oriented slavishly to support the political forces in the field of the central or regional government. Violations of the Constitution were invoked on both sides and the cries of both sides were croaking, broken and without immediate effect; they clearly appeared preparatory to a conceivable electoral clash more and more true "Phoenix Arab" (that each one says so when no one knows!, according to the well-known aphorism of Pietro Metastasio) of our political life. It must be said that even immediately going to elections with the current electoral system and with the "choice-non-choice" of the popular representatives indicated by Di Maio, Salvini, Renzi, Meloni, Berlusconi and Zingaretti, it would be absolutely useless for the "everything to be redone" (of which Gino Bartali spoke).
And the "all" is truly "all"! The idea of a Constituent Assembly from which parties are kept away, elected with a uninominal majority system, with the return to the field of real political personalities in place of the current puppets, could answer the aim, with all the ritual reservations for what has been going on for two millennia in the Country of the Vili and dei Furbi.
2) In these days of tragedy, the Italians have discovered that they do not have a Parliament. There were some hardened optimists who believed they had one even in the crammed form provided by the Rosatellum (with elected representatives not chosen by the voting people but by the most insipid and poor party leaders in all of republican history) but had to realize their mistake. His absence was physical and material. The legislative chambers simply did not exist or in any case they did not deal with the serious problems of the country at a serious and delicate moment. What appeared even worse was that not even the other leading state institutions were aware (or did not want to notice) that he was "in hiding". The Prime Minister did everything by himself and no one had anything to object to, except for the opposition which ran, however, the risk of being subjected to violent attacks in the repeated press conferences of the head of the government; and of not being able to replicate by the same means. The "army" of nominees, picked up from beer and peanut sellers and young men "unemployed with bad hope", "all called and nothing elected", did not even know their rights and duties and sat at the distances imposed by the Executive on the benches of Montecitorio and the Senate with masks, found on the rediscovered “Silk Road” and paid dearly (in relation to the cost).
That "army" was however and only content to have found "a pay for the boiled" after years of experienced servility towards a leader who became such not for culture and particular competence but selected, in turn, with mysterious and occult methods.
A country without a Parliament truly aware of its role, which allowed itself to be pre-empted in the most important and vital decisions by the choices of "characters" (as Vincenzo De Luca would say) who came from nowhere and destined to return as soon as possible, faced the Coronavirus crisis at sign of the hashtag “I'm staying at home”.
3) For about twenty years, Italians have realized that they can go forward (so to speak, of course) even without having a government of the country truly worthy of the name. Not being able to vote (or by voting according to laws that force him to make choices that are not his own) he had to settle for other "little characters" pulled out of a mysterious hat by consummate experts in institutional tricks, true magicians of democratic illusion (in the form of a white dove) which hides authoritarian arbitrariness (with the appearance of a reptile). Even today, with the ongoing Covid19 pandemic, Italy does not have a real government that matches good or bad (and the first alternative has long been forgotten) to the will of the voters. It stands on a solid and repeatedly tested perseverance: that of delaying as much as possible that the word returns to the response of the polls.
4) The only power that really (and unfortunately) exists in Italy is the judicial one. It is difficult not to notice its presence: it also stirs in unpredictable places and circumstances and in moments of great delicacy. Even in this case, the Coronavirus had nothing to teach us. The failure of Italian justice was long before Kissinger's prophecy. It is from the immediate post-World War II period that the fate of the Italians has been entrusted to young men who have recently graduated in law who, in possession of a few notions learned on the benches of the university, become magistrates and exchange the roles of prosecutors and judges in a aberrant promiscuity of functions. In those distant years, the same Minister of Justice of the time, the "comrade" Palmiro Togliatti, who made an entry into the roles of the judiciary of simple recent graduates registered by the PCI.
It is always thanks to the "most beautiful constitution in the world" (in the judgment of Catholics and communists) that overworked public prosecutors choose to prosecute the crimes they like most or because of sexophobic inclinations (especially in times of to show bare shoulders in a restaurant could cause resentful resentments) or for political purposes (in times closer to us). There are those who believe that the one and the other motivations would be completely unconditional, because they arise from passionate emotions, not always illuminated by reason.
The political use of justice which, through notices of guarantee (which often end up in soap bubbles but with mass-media support, are used to destroy people who could usefully serve the country) to remove people who have established themselves in civil life (no one puts them at risk its integrity for a judicial measure, which then, perhaps, turns out to be erroneous and gives space for political activity only to those who have nothing to lose) is certainly more recent (except for the Montesi case, which hit Piccioni hard and De Gasperi) but did (and does) no less damage (in silence, the increase in corruption has been evident and incontrovertible). Enemies of the current system of justice in Italy also complain about the substantial irresponsibility of magistrates because, in fact, they never answer for anything or anyone and their corporate self-government, worthy of a medieval and primitive and undeveloped and modern society. If we add to all this their pervasive penetration into other powers of the state (legislative and executive) and other institutional structures (constitutional court, superior council of the judiciary, ministerial cabinets and so on) it can be concluded that the return to Montesquieu with the three powers aligned on positions of equality and with the obligation for all powers to respond always and in any case to the state-collectivity (or community if you prefer), the only source of power had become urgent in Italy, before the pandemic and prophecy by Kissinger.