The only opposition to the oligarchic and tyrannical system of banks in the member states of the European Union is that of the so-called "ultra-right". This, unfortunately, constitutes the best guarantee of the impregnability of the Brussels stronghold.
The memory of Europe of exasperated nationalisms, of the madness of the "chosen and favorite peoples of God" is still too lively and burning (The Nazi-fascists contended this "palm" to the Jews who had already claimed it two thousand years before them and believed, therefore, to have the right to "copyright"), of the catastrophe caused by the Second World War so that people do not be horrified only to hear about the second right-wing Hegelian alternative of German idealistic thought; he prefers the one on the left which has collapsed like a car tire punctured by a nail and has been "rebuilt" and used as a spare wheel for the bankers' wagon.
The Tycoons of New York and London Finance know all about this and feel, therefore, in an iron barrel.
As long as their enemies and political opponents are the fascist extremists, the followers of racial fanaticism with Celtics in the front row (but converted to the cult of the Madonna), the nostalgics of vainglorious colonial fantasies (ended up in the borders, not exactly imperial, of the Republic of Salò ) or even moderate bourgeois, wealthy and double-breasted participants in the para-Masonic rituals of international bodies respecting the banking directives (Goldman Sachs, Aspene and so on), the High Financiers and the Brussels technocrats will be able to sleep peacefully on double pillows .
It is the fate of the "servant Italy of hostel pain". On the other hand, lovers of freedom, individuals who are firmly convinced of the vital need to independently express their personality, do not always find themselves in the chest "a lion's heart".
It is necessary to acknowledge the French (who at the weekly weekend jog, have been replacing the car fires on the Champs Elysee wearing yellow vests for a long time to keep fit) who made the French Revolution to bring down the old Feudalism, driven by Enlightenment ideas, was no small matter.
The other Euro continental countries also waged atrocious wars but only on the basis of the "passions" triggered by a religious belief or by a Utopian fanaticism. The French exception at the end of the eighteenth century lies in the fact that the revolt was nourished, instead, by thought, to induce people to use pruning hooks and pitchforks.
Today, it is necessary to realize that consumerism and the rites of advanced industrial society have made the "moderates" even more "moderate" than they were before. Now the love for slippers, if achieved by believers and old tools of red subversivism, can make a significant contribution to the quiet non-movere wanted by the bankers, but it certainly does not contribute to dissociate Amazons of the type of those that have recently been put riding in Brussels.
It is difficult, therefore, to foresee that many Italians (or Euro-continental) wise and cautious manage to get out of their shell of calculated prudence and unite, creating it from scratch (the old car bodies appear suitable only for "scrapping") in a force Democracy that takes away from the right-wing extremism the possibility of becoming the only bearer of a "sacrosanct" request for redemption from the servitude imposed by the hawks of the European Union of both sexes.
For a long time they would prefer to deny that the "dream" of the Fathers has become the "nightmare" of the Sons and Grandchildren. That oppressive and asphyxiating entity for the Member States (and this at least since the time of the introduction of the Euro and the Maastricht Treaties) will continue in its journey to the new Feudalism.
By imitating Monsieur de Lapalisse they will continue to say that they are "Europeanists" because they are "Europeans" and will prove to be experts "prophets of misfortune" in advocating a united Europe "but in a different way from the present" unspeakable economic tragedies and disasters.
In other words, and conclusively, there seems to be no hope for a reawakening of thought and for a more intense yearning for freedom. Yet trust in the future must always be the last to die. Therefore, we must not stop hoping that the European people will wake up from the lethargy in which it fell two thousand years ago (losing its deepest and most true freedom given to it by the Greco-Roman civilization) and joining the lucid political vision of the liberals of overseas and overseas, the necessary energy is imposed to remove the danger of falling back into the coils of a new "ancien regime" with bankers instead of landowners and bank robots robed in that of serfs.